#8. The Violence that Brings Silence: The Axis of Evil



Many countries believed that Saddam Hussein remained a military threat even after more than a decade of efforts by the United States and the United Nations to disarm Iraq.  The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States finally provided the impetus for a U.S. drive for war against Iraq. This time, however, unlike the 1991 Gulf War, U.S. goals included not only disarming Iraq but also toppling the regime of Saddam Hussein. September 11, 2001, and the war on terrorismterrorist attack by the terrorist group al-Qaeda proved to be the turning point for American policies on terrorism. Shortly after this terrorist attack, U.S. president George Bush declared war on terrorism in an address to Congress and the nation, promising to use every resource and tool, even war, to disrupt and defeat the global terror network. In addition, Bush signalled a U.S. intention to conduct a military strike on countries that harbor terrorists or support terrorism:

“(…) We will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation, in every region, now has a decision to make. Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United Sates as a hostile regime (…).

This pledge quickly became a reality. Shortly after Bush’s speech the United States accused Afghanistan’s Taliban government of harbouring terrorists and demanded that it turn over al-Qaeda terrorists to the United States and close all terrorist bases in the country. October 7, 2001, the United States and Britain attacked Afghanistan. Over the next few months U.S. and British forces ousted the Taliban regime and destroyed al- Qaeda bases there. Following the successful military action against Afghanistan, U.S. president George W.Bush praised the U.S. military victory in his State of the Union address to the nation on January 29, 2002. In the same speech Bush warned of another facet of terrorism—an “axis of evil” consisting of three countries: Iraq, Iran, and North Korea. He charged that these states sponsor terrorism and seek to develop chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons.  Regarding Iraq the president charged that the Iraqi regime had plotted to develop anthrax and nerve gas and nuclear weapons for over a decade, had already used chemical weapons to murder thousands of its own citizens, and “is a regime that has something to hide from the civilized world.” The president, however, faced stiff opposition to his proposal for military action against Iraq. The opposition came from many different quarters, both inside and outside his administration, and from both Democrats and Republicans. His critics pointed out that there was no evidence that Hussein possessed nuclear or missile capabilities that would pose a current or imminent threat to the United States. Indeed, in testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on July 31, 2002, Richard Butler, the former head of UNSCOM, the team of weapons inspectors that searched for weapons in Iraq during the 1990s, noted the lack of knowledge about the status of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction, stating:

“(…) We do not know and never have known fully the quantity and quality of Iraq’s WMD [weapons of mass destruction] (…)”.

On February 5, 2003, U.S. secretary of state Colin Powell spoke at the United Nations to present information that the United States knew about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction and to try to persuade UN member countries to support a military action against Iraq. Powell reminded UN members that Iraq admitted having vast quantities of biological weapons in 1995, was known to have used chemical weapons against the Kurds in 1988, and in both 1991 and 1995 was discovered to have been working on developing nuclear weapons. He argued that Iraq had failed to account for many of these weapons as the UN demanded, and had been trying to conceal evidence of prohibited weapons from UN weapons inspectors. The evidence Powell presented included audio tapes of discussions between Iraqi military officers allegedly discussing how to hide prohibited items from UN weapons inspectors, satellite photos of a weapons munition and missile facilities allegedly showing trucks used for decontaminating and moving prohibited materials just prior to visits by UN weapons inspectors, and a large engine test stand used by Iraq for testing prohibited long-range ballistic missiles. In addition, Powell presented information from human sources stating that Saddam Hussein had warned all Iraqi scientists of the serious consequences that they and their families would face if they revealed any sensitive information to the inspectors and that Iraq had been experimenting on human beings to perfect its biological or chemical weapons. Further evidence presented came from Iraqi defectors stating that Iraq had mobile production facilities used to make biological agents and that Hussein had made repeated attempts to acquire high-specification aluminum tubes from eleven different countries, for use in making nuclear weapons. Given the lack of firm information about weapons of mass destruction, critics of a war plan suggested that the United States wanted war with Iraq not to counter a threat from such weapons, but instead to remove Hussein and install a U.S.-friendly government in Iraq. This, they said, would ensure U.S. access to Iraqi oil reserves, which are the second largest in the world and constitute a significant portion of U.S. oil imports.  Bush said that the new policy was necessary to remove terrorist threats, but critics argued that it reversed previous U.S. efforts to limit military action to defensive purposes. This, critics said, could be very dangerous because it gives the United States license to attack other countries and could lead other countries to adopt similar aggressive policies against the United States or other nations. The cost of a war and the aftermath, they said, would be astronomical for the United States.

Bibliography:
1.    Wisnewski, J. Jeremy, ed. (18 December 2008). Torture, Terrorism, and the Use of Violence (also available as Review Journal of Political Philosophy Volume 6, Issue Number 1). Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 175. ISBN 978-1-4438-0291-8.
2.    Stevenson, ed. by Angus (2010). Oxford dictionary of English (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-957112-3.
3.    White, Jonathan R. (1 January 2016). Terrorism and Homeland Security. Cengage Learning. p. 3. ISBN 978-1-305-63377-3.
4.    "The Illusion of War: Is Terrorism a Criminal Act or an Act of War? – Mackenzie Institute". Mackenzie Institute. 31 July 2014. Retrieved 2017-04-29.
5.    Ronald Reagan, speech to National Conservative Political Action Conference Archived 20 August 2006 at the Wayback Machine. 8 March 1985.
6.    Chaliand, Gerard. The History of Terrorism: From Antiquity to al Qaeda. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007.
7.    Irish Freedom, by Richard English Publisher: Pan Books
8.    Mousseau, Michael (2002). "Market Civilization and its Clash with Terror". International Security
9.    Mark Aarons (2007). "Justice Betrayed: Post-1945 Responses to Genocide." In David A. Blumenthal and Timothy L. H. McCormack (eds). The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance? (International Humanitarian Law). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 9004156917
10.   Cronin, Audrey Kurth (2009). How Terrorism Ends: Understanding the Decline and Demise of Terrorist Campaigns. Princeton U. Pr. ISBN 978-0-691-13948-7.

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