#7. The Violence that Brings Silence: Iran, Kuwait and the Gulf War





With his regime secure at home, Hussein next sought to increase his power in the Arab world and on the international stage. His first action in this new direction came in 1980, when Iraq attacked Iran.  Although Iran and Iraq had a history of rivalry, a serious dispute began in 1979, when the Islamic Revolution in Iran stirred up anti-Baath sentiments among Iraq’s Shia Muslims, who had been long excluded from political or economic power in Iraq despite their majority status. As early as the mid- 1970s, Iraqi Shias, united by a Muslim group called Al Daawa al Islamiya (meaning the Islamic Call), began to openly demonstrate against the Baathist regime. Saddam Hussein, realizing the threat to his rule, responded by banning the Daawa Party and executing Daawa leaders. In April 1980, “the people and army of Iraq must turn their backs on the Ba’ath regime and overthrow it.” After numerous border skirmishes between the two countries, Iraq attacked Iran on September 22, 1980, leading to a protracted seven-year war. The Iraqi army, however, was unable to defeat Iran, and by 1982 Iraq was on the defensive militarily. Eventually, fears about the revolutionary, fundamentalist Islamic government in Iran caused many countries to come to Iraq’s aid. Over the course of the war, the United States provided billions of dollars of military support and surveillance information to Iraq, including materials to help Iraq develop chemical and biological weapons. The Iran-Iraq War ended through a United Nations–sponsored ceasefire and resolution accepted in 1988. The war thus produced no victory for either side but cost approximately 367,000 lives and resulted in massive economic destruction for both countries. Iraq emerged from the war crippled economically but with a strong military and chemical weapons, which Hussein used both against Iran during the war and in Iraq against Kurdish civilians in 1987 and 1988. The war, therefore, strengthened Saddam Hussein’s regime and turned Iraq into a formidable military power. As Mideast expert Con Coughlin reports, “by 1988, Iraq had developed the fourth largest army in the world.” After the war with Iran, Saddam Hussein wanted to revive the Iraqi economy. At the same time, he continued to build up the country’s military, including chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons. He depended on profits from Iraqi oil to do both, even though much of the oil income had to go first to repay war debts. As a result, Iraq’s economy continued to struggle, and in 1990 Hussein began to pressure Kuwait and Saudi Arabia to write off Iraqi debts incurred during the Iran-Iraq War. He accused Kuwait of flooding the market in violation of OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries) production quotas, causing a drop in Iraq’s oil revenues at a time when Hussein could least afford it. Hussein also nursed long-held grievances against Kuwait concerning two areas claimed historically by Iraq—oil fields in Rumeila, an area on the border between the two countries, and two islands overlooking one of Iraq’s two ports to the gulf. He demanded that Kuwait reduce oil production, write off Iraqi debts, and help pay for Iraq’s reconstruction. Saddam Hussein’s refusal to withdraw from Kuwait had profound consequences for Iraq. The United States put together a coalition within the UN that included not only traditional European allies but also Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and other Arab nations. The UN imposed economic sanctions, which placed strict limits on the country’s exports and imports and were aimed at forcing Hussein to withdraw and disarm. When Hussein did not leave Kuwait, a massive military attack called Operation Desert Storm was authorized by the United Nations and launched by the United States and its allies on January 16, 1991. After the war the United Nations voted to keep sanctions in place until all of Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs were destroyed. A weapons inspection team, called the United Nations Special Commission on Iraq (UNSCOM), was assembled to monitor the disarming, and in the years that followed, UNSCOM uncovered and destroyed much of Iraq’s WMD arsenal. Saddam Hussein, however, made the disarmament effort as difficult as possible by blocking access, lying about the extent or existence of weapons programs, and generally obstructing the UN team. Indeed, according to a background paper produced by the administration of President George W. Bush, Hussein during this period “repeatedly violated sixteen United Nations Security Council Resolutions designed to ensure that Iraq [did] not pose a threat. The economic sanctions on Iraq, however, were continued by the UN despite their heavy burden on the Iraqi economy and population. The sanctions created in 1990 prohibited UN member states from importing goods made in Iraq and from selling products to Iraq. UN members also were disallowed from investing in any Iraqi economic activities. Exceptions were made for humanitarian items such as certain food and medial supplies, but these exceptions were very limited and did not include many items considered necessary by Iraqis, such as clothes, shoes, blankets, spare parts for water treatment and sewage disposal, educational materials, and similar items. No one can deny that sanctions devastated the Iraqi economy, impoverished the middle class, and created severe health and food crises. Also, as many as five hundred thousand Iraqi children are estimated to have died as a result of sanctions. The United Nations tried to respond to these humanitarian problems by authorizing an oil-for-food program under which Iraq was allowed to sell oil to purchase food, medicine, and other necessities. Most agree, however, that the sanctions limited to some degree Hussein’s ability to import items that could be used to produce conventional as well as nuclear and biological weapons. Hussein’s tight security within his regime and the lack of substantial aid from the United States made a coup against the Iraqi government very unlikely. In addition, the United States failed to support the most promising uprising against Hussein in decades. In 1991, at the end of Desert Storm, with encouragement from U.S. president Bush, Iraqi Shias revolted in south southern Iraq; the United States failed to intervene or provide aid, however, and Saddam Hussein crushed the rebellion, killing thousands.

At the beginning of the twenty-first century, more than ten years after Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait, his country lay in ruins, his people were starving, his economy was shattered, and his military was almost destroyed. Yet he had managed to halt weapons inspections and weaken sanctions. He had watched the broad coalition of nations that attacked him in 1991 fall apart. No opposition groups had overthrown him .His regime had survived, and many feared that he was once again developing weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear weapons and the missiles.


Bibliography:
1.    Wisnewski, J. Jeremy, ed. (18 December 2008). Torture, Terrorism, and the Use of Violence (also available as Review Journal of Political Philosophy Volume 6, Issue Number 1). Cambridge Scholars Publishing. p. 175. ISBN 978-1-4438-0291-8.
2.    Stevenson, ed. by Angus (2010). Oxford dictionary of English (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-957112-3.
3.    White, Jonathan R. (1 January 2016). Terrorism and Homeland Security. Cengage Learning. p. 3. ISBN 978-1-305-63377-3.
4.    "The Illusion of War: Is Terrorism a Criminal Act or an Act of War? – Mackenzie Institute". Mackenzie Institute. 31 July 2014. Retrieved 2017-04-29.
5.    Ronald Reagan, speech to National Conservative Political Action Conference Archived 20 August 2006 at the Wayback Machine. 8 March 1985.
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7.    Irish Freedom, by Richard English Publisher: Pan Books
8.    Mousseau, Michael (2002). "Market Civilization and its Clash with Terror". International Security
9.    Mark Aarons (2007). "Justice Betrayed: Post-1945 Responses to Genocide." In David A. Blumenthal and Timothy L. H. McCormack (eds). The Legacy of Nuremberg: Civilising Influence or Institutionalised Vengeance? (International Humanitarian Law). Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 9004156917
10.   Cronin, Audrey Kurth (2009). How Terrorism Ends: Understanding the Decline and Demise of Terrorist Campaigns. Princeton U. Pr. ISBN 978-0-691-13948-7.

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